•Story of Senate heavyweights, former govs
By Adesuwa Tsan, Abuja
Ironically, many of the affected lawmakers were among the strongest supporters of the Tinubu administration within the Senate. Yet the combination of the Electoral Act restrictions and the President’s hands-off approach to the primaries has left several of them politically stranded.”
With the release of the names of successful candidates in the All Progressives Congress (APC) senatorial primaries across the country, there have been shocking outcomes as serving senators, former governors and long-established political heavyweights were swept aside while incumbent governors tightened their grip on party structures and dictated candidate selection.
A pattern emerged that is difficult to ignore, the game of political survival lies squarely in the hands of state governors, except in cases like Rivers and Plateau. Across the North, South West, South South and North Central, alignment with the state executive has proven key to political continuity.
For many lawmakers, particularly ex-governors who moved to the Senate after leaving office, the primaries became a brutal reminder that political influence in Nigeria rarely survives outside Government House.
The APC primaries also revealed another irony. The same lawmakers who supported stricter anti-defection provisions in the Electoral Act are now trapped by the same law they helped create.
Although the Presidency maintained public neutrality throughout the primaries, many outcomes were widely interpreted within APC circles as reflecting President Bola Tinubu’s preference for strengthening governors ahead of the 2027 elections rather than protecting vulnerable senators and former governors.
Governors’ political supremacy
The primaries confirmed what many politicians quietly acknowledge: governors remain the most powerful political actors within Nigeria’s parties. In many states, they directly shaped voter lists, controlled party executives and determined consensus arrangements. Senators without the backing of governors were left politically exposed.
The development reinforced growing perceptions within the APC that Tinubu has deliberately prioritised governors as the backbone of his political structure ahead of 2027, given their grassroots mobilisation and party machinery in the states.
Perhaps the most defining feature of the APC primaries was the aggressive takeover of party structures by incumbent governors and the political retirement of several former governors and serving senators.
In Ogun State, former governor and serving senator, Otunba Gbenga Daniel, became one of the biggest casualties of the new power equation.
Daniel, who represents Ogun East Senatorial District, was effectively displaced after incumbent Governor Dapo Abiodun secured the APC ticket for the same district, following a battle that exposed the long-running supremacy struggle between both men over control of Ogun APC politics.
The crisis became so intense that Daniel eventually withdrew from the primary, citing security concerns and alleged intimidation of his supporters.
The Ogun situation mirrored similar developments in several states, including Gombe, where former governor and serving senator, Danjuma Goje, lost the APC ticket for Gombe Central to Mohammed Ahmed, a candidate backed by Governor Muhammadu Inuwa Yahaya.
Goje had remained one of the most influential politicians in Gombe since leaving office in 2011. His defeat symbolised the collapse of an old political structure and the emergence of a new order controlled by the governor.
In Delta State, former Deputy Senate President Ovie Omo-Agege failed in his quest to dislodge Governor Sheriff Oborevwori-backed Senator Ede Dafinone for the Delta Central senatorial ticket. Despite his efforts, Omo-Agege could not stop the serving senator from clinching the APC ticket.
In Delta North, Senator Ned Nwoko also lost to former governor Ifeanyi Okowa, who represented the district before his tenure as governor and whose recent alignment with the APC dramatically changed the political equation in the state. Okowa was reportedly the candidate endorsed by Oborevwori.
In a surprising twist, Senator Jibrin Isah, popularly known as Echocho, lost to Joseph Erico in the contest for the Kogi East senatorial ticket, a development widely linked to the growing dominance of Governor Ahmed Ododo’s political structure and the continuing influence of former governor Yahaya Bello.
The Kogi outcome reflected an emerging APC pattern, senators survive only when they remain aligned with dominant state power structures. Bello himself clinched the ticket for the Kogi Central senatorial district.
Several senators who lost out were believed to have expected quiet intervention from the Presidency, particularly those who had consistently defended Tinubu’s economic reforms and executive requests in the National Assembly. But the President largely avoided direct interference in state contests, leaving governors to determine political outcomes.
In Edo South, former House of Representatives member Omoregie Ogbeide-Ihama displaced serving Senator Neda Imasuen, a defector from the Labour Party who struggled to find footing in the ruling party barely months before the primaries. Imasuen’s loss reflected the difficulties faced by politicians who recently defected to the APC without fully integrating into the party’s local structures.
In Plateau Central, Senator Diket Plang lost to David Barji, while Senator Pam Mwadkwon lost Plateau North to Simon Mwadkwon. However, former Plateau governor Simon Lalong survived comfortably in Plateau South, reinforcing the idea that survival depends largely on the ability to retain local political machinery after leaving office.
The Plateau case was different because Governor Caleb Mutfwang, who recently defected from the PDP to the APC, could not successfully secure tickets for his loyalists. Cumulatively, the pattern was unmistakable: senators who lacked the backing of incumbent governors became vulnerable regardless of their status or political history.
Ironically, while former governors are losing relevance, serving governors are already positioning themselves for seamless movement into the Senate.
Examples include Governor Dapo Abiodun, who secured the Ogun East senatorial ticket; Governor Inuwa Yahaya, who emerged in Gombe North; Governor Abdullahi Sule, who picked Nasarawa North; Governor Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq, who secured Kwara Central; and Governor Mai Mala Buni, who clinched Yobe East.
Similarly, Governor Hope Uzodimma defeated his predecessor, Rochas Okorocha, for the Imo West ticket.
South-East battles In Abia, Senator Orji Uzor Kalu had an easy ride to secure the ticket to contest for another term in Abia North in 2027, alongside fresh entrants Erondu Uchenna Erondu Jr. for Abia South and Emeka Atuma for Abia Central.
The governors of Abia and Anambra belong to the Labour Party and the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), respectively. In Enugu, Osita Ngwu, Kelvin Chukwu and Ikeje Asogwa emerged as candidates for Enugu West, Enugu East and Enugu North senatorial districts respectively.
In Imo, Alex Mbata clinched the ticket for Imo East, while Patrick Ndubueze secured another term bid for Imo North.
The North West primaries reflected the continuing relevance of old political heavyweights despite internal rivalries. In Kano, Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin retained Kano North, while former Kano governor Ibrahim Shekarau secured Kano Central.
In Kebbi, former governor Adamu Aliero retained the Kebbi Central ticket, while former Senate Leader Yahaya Abdullahi emerged in Kebbi North.
In Zamfara, former governor Abdulaziz Yari clinched Zamfara West, reaffirming his dominance in the state APC structure despite years of internal conflicts.
In Sokoto, former governor Aliyu Wamakko retained Sokoto Central, once again demonstrating the enduring influence of entrenched political structures in parts of the North-West. But not everyone survived.
Several senators either failed screening or quietly disappeared from the final list of candidates as governors and party leaders imposed preferred aspirants.
The South West clearly reflected the growing supremacy of governors and party establishments. In Ekiti, Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele retained Ekiti Central, while Yemi Adaramodu secured Ekiti South and Cyril Fasuyi emerged in Ekiti North.
In Lagos, former deputy governor Idiat Adebule retained Lagos West, Tokunbo Abiru kept Lagos East, while Wasiu Eshinlokun emerged in Lagos Central. In Ondo, former APC National Vice Chairman Isaacs Kekemeke secured Ondo South, while Gbenga Elegbeleye emerged in Ondo North.
The South West primaries showed that while the APC remains relatively stable in the region, internal power struggles remain intense beneath the surface, with governors maintaining the upper hand.
The South South produced some of the biggest political surprises. In Edo South, former House of Representatives member Omoregie Ogbeide-Ihama displaced Senator Neda Imasuen, while Adams Oshiomhole and Joseph Ikpea secured tickets for Edo North and Edo Central respectively. The trio reportedly enjoyed the backing of Governor Monday Okpebholo.
In Rivers, the primaries reflected the continuing battle involving Governor Siminalayi Fubara and FCT Minister Nyesom Wike. Wike’s loyalist and former PDP chairman Felix Obuah emerged for Rivers West, replacing Fubara ally Ipalibo Banigo, who served as deputy governor under Wike. Allwell Onyesoh and Barry Mwara also secured tickets.
In Akwa Ibom, Senate President Godswill Akpabio retained Akwa Ibom North-West, while Aniekan Bassey and Ekong Sampson emerged in the other districts. Akpabio’s survival again highlighted the protective advantage enjoyed by lawmakers who maintain strong alignment with both governors and the Presidency.
Perhaps, the greatest irony of the APC primaries is how the amended Electoral Act has trapped many senators and former governors who lost out during the contests. Before now, candidates who failed to secure tickets simply defected to another political party and picked up fresh nomination forms elsewhere. That escape route has now been largely blocked by the Electoral Act 2026.
Under Section 77(4) of the new Electoral Act, political parties are mandated to submit their membership registers to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) at least 21 days before their primaries. Section 77(5) further provides that only members whose names appear in the submitted register can vote or be voted for during party primaries, while Section 77(6) bars parties from using any register outside the one already submitted to INEC.
Once the deadline for submission of membership registers elapsed, politicians who were not already registered members of another political party effectively lost the opportunity to defect and contest elsewhere. In practical terms, senators who lost APC tickets can no longer easily migrate to the PDP, Labour Party, NNPP or smaller parties because their names do not exist in those parties’ official registers already submitted to INEC.
The law has therefore shut down the traditional “Plan B” politicians relied on after losing primaries. The stricter provisions were introduced partly to stop opportunistic defections and late political movements that disrupted party calculations before the 2023 elections. But the same law has now turned against its architects.
Ironically, many of the affected lawmakers were among the strongest supporters of the Tinubu administration within the Senate.
Yet the combination of the Electoral Act restrictions and the President’s hands-off approach to the primaries has left several of them politically stranded. Several APC senators who lost tickets during the primaries are now politically stranded because they cannot validly contest under another platform without violating the membership register provisions of the Electoral Act.
The crisis is compounded by another controversial provision in Section 83(5) of the Electoral Act 2026, which limits the jurisdiction of courts over internal party affairs. The section provides that no court shall entertain matters relating to the internal affairs of political parties, making it harder for aggrieved aspirants to challenge primary outcomes through litigation.
For many senators and former governors who lost out during the APC primaries, the combination of the frozen membership register system and restrictions on court intervention has created a political dead end. What was designed as an instrument to strengthen party discipline has ultimately become a trap for many lawmakers who helped pass the law.
However, with the court ruling on INEC guidelines, perhaps an escape route may emerge to give losers a second chance to vie for tickets. Perhaps, the clearest message from the APC primaries is that the era of automatic tickets is ending.
For years, senators, former governors and ranking lawmakers secured effortless renomination based on status and influence. While powerful figures like Godswill Akpabio, Ahmad Lawan, Ali Ndume, Orji Uzor Kalu, Abdulaziz Yari, Hope Uzodimma, Aliyu Wamakko and Adamu Aliero survived, several others discovered that incumbency alone no longer guarantees political relevance.
For Tinubu, the primaries may ultimately strengthen his relationship with governors, who remain critical to his re-election calculations. But they may also weaken emotional loyalty among senators who believe they defended the administration at enormous political cost only to be abandoned during the primaries.
Ultimately, the APC primaries have revealed a changing political order within the ruling party. Former governors are vulnerable. Senators are increasingly expendable. The Electoral Act has fundamentally altered the political calculations that once allowed defeated politicians to escape through last-minute defections.
For many lawmakers who once believed they were untouchable, the APC primaries became a harsh reminder that Nigerian politics is never permanently owned by anyone.
The post APC primaries appeared first on The Sun Nigeria.